Labor Struggles on Campus: When the Work is a Ph.D.

by Douglas Williams.

To an outsider, the work that a graduate student has to do might seem easy. A bunch of people who get paid to read and write all day, yeah? What could be easier than that?

But the work that graduate students do is extensive: we read; we write; we teach, with all of the grading and outreach work that such a job entails; we are pressured to write on things that “contribute to the literature”, meaning that we must come up with ever more inventive lines of inquiry in our research; engaging such research requires that we do traveling to uncover the mysteries of America’s social, political, and economic history in our nation’s highly fragmented system of archives. In addition to this, students must navigate the politics of each department, making sure that the people on your dissertation committee get on well enough so that infighting does not compromise your ability to produce quality work and graduate.

Read the entire piece:

http://www.dsausa.org/when_the_work_is_phd_union_struggles_on_campus

 

Kent State: Review of a New History by a Participant in the Struggle

by Paul Garver

grace on kent state

Thomas Grace.  Kent State: Death and Dissent in the Long Sixties.  Univ. of Massachusetts Press, Amherst and Boston, 2016, 384pp.

Tom Grace was one of the nine Kent State University students seriously wounded by a fusillade of gunshots from the Ohio National Guard on May 4, 1970, when he joined a student rally after leaving his university classroom.

Four other students were killed, two of whom were not even attending the protest rally.

In the aftermath of the shooting, numerous student leaders were prosecuted and imprisoned.  None of the officers who had issued order for the guardsmen to fire and even themselves joined in the shooting were ever prosecuted for their arguably criminal actions.

More than forty years later Tom Grace authored this temperate, well considered, and thoroughly researched history of the Kent State struggle.  It is  much more than a personal memoir.   A succinct account of how he came to be shot on that day is included in a prologue and in sidebars to the description of the day of the shootings, but this is not why he wrote this history.

Grace writes with commitment or passion, but with remarkable equanimity.  Neither he nor his fellow student activists appear as victims, but rather as combatants in a desperate struggle.  Their adversaries are not portrayed as villains, but as combatants on the other side with their own views and goals.

Tom Grace conducted interviews with some 47 Ohio student activists, meticulously scoured the campus and local newspapers, and placed their stories in the context of the national student antiwar movement.   He also compiled portraits of dozens of individual national guardsmen and officers involved in the shooting, drawing on records of their testimony before various investigative panels and tribunals.

Eighty pages of endnotes show how thoroughly Grace pored over the decades of local activist struggle and repression, while firmly situating it in the history of the national antiwar movement and its organizational structures.

The result of Grace’s study is a systematic deconstruction of many media-generated myths that were immediately projected onto the Kent State shootings and persist as a battle over the memory and meaning of May 4 that continues to the present day.  The events were not a tragic anomaly but were grounded in a tradition of student political activism that extended back to Ohio’s labor battles of the 1950s and to a decade of antiwar and black liberation struggles in the nation and on the campus itself.

As a public university in the American heartland, far from the coastal epicenters often associated with the 1960s movement,  Kent State proves in Grace’s account to be a microcosm of the national student antiwar movement of the “long sixties.”

The expansion of the university after World War II brought in growing numbers of working-class students from the industrial centers of northeast Ohio. Most of the Kent State activists  retained many of the core labor and New Deal values of their parents, despite disagreements about the Vietnam War.  They came from the same generational cohort as the American combat forces in Vietnam and the Ohio national guardsmen.

As the war’s rising costs came to be felt acutely in the home communities of Kent’s students, the growing antiwar movement on campus faced repression from the university administration and the political conservatives who dominated Portage County and the Ohio state government.

The deadly effort to suppress antiwar activism by gunfire on the campus was a logical stage of the cycle of radicalization and repression that began earlier in the 1960s and continued  well into the 1970s at Kent State. In the years that followed the shootings, contrary to myth, the antiwar movement continued to strengthen on campus, bolstered by an influx of returning Vietnam veterans.

One of the most original and useful features of this history  Grace provides us are updates on the life histories of the Kent State activists he studied. The vast majority of Kent State New Left activists remained actively committed to the social causes of their movement and incorporated these into their future life paths and careers.

Being somewhat older member of the same New Left generation as Thomas Grace, I appreciate how his detailed history focused on Kent State brings alive our shared history while demolishing many of the distortions perpetrated upon it.  It is no accident that many from our activist generation are helping to organize the Sanders democratic socialist candidacy that is proving attractive to  young people today.

Thomas M. Grace is adjunct professor of history at Erie Community College. A 1972 graduate of Kent State University, he earned a PhD in history from SUNY Buffalo after many years as a social worker and union representative.

 

 

California Faculty Union Has Tentative Settlement

Will-Strike
UPDATE: Officials with the California Faculty Association and the California State University system  reached a a tentative agreement to avoid a strike.  The agreement calls for a 10.5% increase in salaries over the next two years.  This dispute was over a contract re-opener. Only the salaries were in dispute.

Seth Sandronsky
Members of the 26,000-strong California Faculty Association (CFA) are threatening to carry out their first system-wide, simultaneous strike in the event contract talks with the California State University administration (CSU) reach a stalemate. The union, which represents faculty, counselors, librarians and athletics coaches, is seeking a five percent raise, along with 2.65 percent service step, or seniority, increases, and says its members will walk out on all 23 campuses April 13-15 and April 18-19. (Disclosure: CFA is a financial supporter of Capital & Main.)
The university system claims it cannot afford to pay the salary increases and is offering a two percent salary hike. “Half of all the new state funding provided to the CSU this year is being directed toward employee compensation,” said CSU Chancellor Tim White in an email to Capital & Main. Continue reading

Young Workers

A new video, produced by a collaboration from UCLA’s Department of History and the UCLA Labor Center, combines the experiences of young workers and research to tell the story of young workers in the United States. Titled “I Am A #YOUNGWORKER,” the animated video is a powerful dive into the world of work for young Americans.

Spring Awakens in the Boston Area: Climate Justice Joins Movements for Social and Racial Justice

by Paul Garver

Divestement and People of Color

As the piles of snow finally melted and spring blossomed in the Boston area, the movements for climate, economic, social and racial justice burgeoned and filled the assemblies and the streets with voices demanding genuine changes.

The reawakened Boston movements seems more numerous, more diverse, and more youthful than in previous years. The banners and chants are livelier, and the demands both more radical and more inclusive than before. The bravado and defiance of the Occupy Movement persists, but with greater direction, purpose and a sense that breakthrough victories are inevitable, even though to be achieved painfully and incrementally.

I spent much of Harvard Heat Week on the campus, in the assemblies and at the occupation. What struck me was the positive energy and patient eloquence of the students and their community and alumni supporters, along with their conviction that while Harvard University was not about to accede to the demand for divestment from fossil fuels, it would sooner or later be forced to do so. Tufts University students organized their own substantial protest action the following week. And as of May 17, Harvard students demanding divestment have again occupied the administration building.

Supporters of the campus divestment movement with their banners joined the massive and spirited march of the Fight for $15 the same week. For a number of years it has seemed that there been insufficient convergence between the campaigns for higher wages, for worker rights, for jobs for youth and against police brutality with those of the climate justice movement. Though these equally legitimate and parallel movements are all gaining traction in the Boston area streets, they are only now beginning to join together in mutual support.

But the silos that serve to isolate activists from each other are beginning to break down. Coalitions like Jobs for Justice are bringing together very diverse persons and organizations for mutual support and solidarity. And the effective climate justice organization Better Future Project/350Mass is not only building its own grassroots “nodes” to campaign for fossil fuel divestment and related climate issues – it is urging its members to join wholeheartedly in solidarity campaigns for economic, social and racial justice.

Following is a May Day statement from Emily Kirkland, Alissa Zimmer, and Craig Altemose of the Better Future Project {Cambridge, MA). Visit its web-site at http://www.betterfutureproject.org/ for information on all Massachusetts events related to climate justice.
Standing in Solidarity, from Baltimore to Boston and beyond
MAY 01, 2015 BETTER FUTURE PROJECT/350 MASS

Many of us are part of this movement because we see climate change as a social justice issue. We’re fighting for a clean energy economy because we know that the use of fossil fuels has devastating consequences for people already facing economic and racial injustice — especially communities of color here in the US and around the world. From poisoned air to polluted water, from droughts to flooding to extreme storms, communities of color are hit first and hit hardest.

But to truly stand in solidarity with the communities most impacted by fossil fuel use and global warming, we need to do more than demand action on climate change: we need to confront the other types of oppression and injustice that affect communities of color. When people of color are beaten or killed by the police, we have an obligation to speak out.

At the 350 Mass campaign summit a few weeks ago, we had the opportunity to share our core values with one another, and compassion and solidarity came up again and again. Putting those values into practice means fighting to end structural racism and state-sanctioned violence against Black people and other people of color.

We  urge members of the Better Future Project / 350 Mass community to show solidarity with those protesting the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old Black man, at the hands of the Baltimore Police Department. 
Our commitment to solidarity should not be limited to a single event or a single crisis. As a community, we need to continue to find ways to stand with other movements and integrate social, racial, and economic justice into everything we do

There are multiple events happening over the next few weeks, including:
• Our Jobs. Our Truths. Our Lives. Wednesday, May 20, 3:00pm, Park Street Station, Tremont Street, Boston.

Funeral for Youth Jobs and People Lost to Police Violence

Youth Justice

10 things you need to know about the protests in Hong Kong

rs21

The pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong continue. Demonstrators have set a deadline of midnight tonight for Hong Kong’s Chief Executive to resign. German revolutionary magazine Marx21 interviewed Sophia Chan from Left21, Hong Kong about the background to and prospects for the mass protests taking place. The interview in available in German here

Leung Ching Yau Alex/ficker.com Leung Ching Yau Alex/ficker.com

1. When did the protests start and why? What was the turning that meant people started to demonstrate?

The protest was actually a result of a long battle for democracy. When the British handed Hong Kong back over to China in 1997, the Chinese government promised both in the Sino-British Joint Declaration and the mini constitution of Hong Kong (the Basic Law) that a democratic system eventually would be implemented in Hong Kong. After decades of delay and making excuses, in August this year the National People’s Congress of the PRC declared that the so-called democracy…

View original post 1,591 more words

Immigration Reform, Activism, and Moral Certainty

by Duane Campbell

English: Eliseo Medina, Executive Vice Preside...

English: Eliseo Medina, former Executive Vice President of the Service Employees International Union, testifying on immigration reform before the Subcommittee on Immigration of the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee, April 30, 2009. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

An argument is being made in many places in the Latino community condemning Obama for his not taking executive action on immigration and condemning Civil Rights veterans such as DSA Honorary Chairs Dolores Huerta and Eliseo Medina for their positions of not condemning the Obama lack of action. Here is an example. http://voxxi.com/2014/09/24/latino-leaders-wrong-obama-immigration/

A problem with this effort is that attacking our allies does not move immigration policy forward. And, an argument from a position of moral correctness does not necessarily change policy. We need to be on the morally correct side, as Huerta and Medina are, but that is not enough. See prior posts on this blog about Medina and Huerta.

I learned this in the anti war movement against the war in Viet Nam. We had hundreds of thousands in the streets opposed to the war, but the war went on. 58,000 U.S. soldiers died, 100,000s were injured. Over 1.2 million Vietnamese died. Although we were morally correct, the war went on.

In El Salvador between 1982 and 1992 the U.S. backed government carried out a civil war against the population. At least 75,000 were killed. In Nicaragua between 19 79-1990 at leas 40,000 were killed. In Guatemala the civil war cost at least 200,000 lives. Our solidarity efforts in the U.S. were morally correct, but our efforts did not change U. S. policy.

Moral correctness does not change policy because political and economic power largely controls this country. We have a political oligarchy- the control of our government by the super rich. Our government is dominated by corporations. We need to study and to understand neoliberal capitalism. Then, we will need to go to work to change it.

In the current immigration debate. Continue reading